criticism of elite theory
The power bloc can ultimately express itself in the political scene through party alliances or even through direct confrontation between parties (Idem, p. 76). 3.1. Another distinction between Marxist, Pluralist, and Elite theory's is that the Pluralist and Marxist theories are led by structure functionalism and they both have specific functions in society while Elite are not controlled by interest groups. The search for constants and general laws of political action seemed a natural consequence of such methods. Get a Britannica Premium subscription and gain access to exclusive content. Taking elite theory seriously implies the recognition that it may yet preserve its original analytical force and that it might be helpful to demystify certain kinds of political formulae while bringing to light the crucial dynamic of the competition between different political actors typically in charge of the operation of government. The theoretical view held by many social scientists which holds that American politics is best understood through the generalization that nearly all political power is held by a relatively small and wealthy group of people sharing similar values and interests and mostly coming from relatively similar privileged backgrounds. Mosca, Pareto, and Michels accepted that governing elites are usually (albeit not necessarily) friendly to leading economic interests, but they rejected Karl Marxs analysis of historical change as the result of class conflict. Poulantzas, 1971, vol. Heralded freshman Gradey Dick is an elite shooter and a better all-around player than many realize. Another crucial shortcoming has to do with the fact it does not take into account the unity of political power and the centrality of the power of the state (and not of any other "powers") in capitalistic social formations. The cohesion of the social group who composes this new political group is conceived of distinctly (and erroneously) by Mosca, Michels, Meynaud, Wright Mills - either in terms of a unifying center, or in terms of the ascension of a new social group (the "administrators"), or, not least, in terms of the domination of one elite in particular over others. Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content: Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. ", Lerner, R., A. K. Nagai, S. Rothman (1996), Milch, Jan, (1992) . Legitimation may not necessarily be strategical or even conscious since human beings have a spontaneous inclination to cover their actions irrational (and frequently egotistic) motives with the varnish of ex post and apparently rational justification. Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. In philosophy, political science and sociology, elite theory is a theory of the State that seeks to describe and explain power relationships in contemporary society. _________. In this regard, a quick reading of the typology of political classes set forth by Mosca can help overcoming what can be politely called a misunderstanding (1939, p. 53-60). The choice of this sort of object of investigation is based on a hypothesis (one that is, by definition, refutable) which would allow the social scientist to avoid two very common temptations of political sociology: In order to avoid the traps of purely structural conceptions, which by means of metaphors spare themselves from using empirical procedures, but also without reducing the social system to the sum of individuals acting in a more or less voluntary manner, it is fundamental to recall that the action of the State, as an institution, depends greatly upon the people who run it (Idem. Putnam & Co, London, Hirschman AO (1991) The rhetoric of reaction: perversity, futility, jeopardy. The problem of this conception is that, in reality, it divides political power (Idem, p. 158), something that is, by definition, non-sharable. "7 However, concerning this point, we can initially observe that not only Marxism is deformed by its theoretical enemies, but that Marxists themselves tend to do the same to their ideological adversaries. Londres, MacGibbon & Kee. Let us take a closer look at this problem building upon the theoretical solutions proposed by Marxism in order to understand the relationship between social power and political power. Drawing mainly on a conceptual framework developed by Gramsci, she introduces the idea of a hegemonic majority that, by accounting for greater individual and collective engagement and responsibility, breaks the exclusivity of elitism. Criticisms levelled against populism typically focus on the way populist-friendly discourse distorts the values and ends of democratic procedures, and especially on how it misconstrues the people through polarisations based on social, political or nationalistic characteristics. Elite Theory Negotiations between such disenfranchised groups and the state can be analyzed as negotiations between elites and counter-elites. BIRNBAUM, Pierre. The second variant - Marxism contra social science - requires one to think of the former as a warranty for scientificity and objectiveness against the widespread diffusion of theories which, in the guise of "sociology" or "political science," are, in reality, more or less competent ideological rationalizations of partial points of view and/or undisclosed vested social interests. ; and iv) if this is the case, do the bureaucracy and the other elites (military, political, technical etc.) Monarchy would become "tyranny", democracy would become "mob rule", and rule by elites (autocracy) would become corrupted in what he called "oligarchy". Translated by Ian Scott-Kilvert (1979). Pierre Birnbaum summed up rather paradigmatically this intellectual disposition which is also our theoretical parti pris. It is exactly in relation to this problem - the problem of representation - that the concept of elite can be not only complementary to Marxism, but also important to render class analysis workable, in other words, to turn it into a useful tool in social science. Published 1 June 1966. characteristics of a ruling elite and attempted to specify a method which could be used to test for the existence of a ruling elite.1 The theory and empirical study of political power was never quite the same again, for Dahl showed that there were crucial faults in much of the power elite literature. It is possible to read among the classics of Marxism countless analyses which point out to the dissimilarity and mismatch between the economically dominant class and the politically dominant class3.The actual ("empirical") concentration of politico-administrative functions in the hands of dominant classes and fractions is not mandatory (that is, an historical constant). Some critics disagree with Gilens and Pages' headline conclusion, but do believe that the dataset confirms "the rich and middle (class) are effective at blocking policies that the poor want".[20]. Bogardus has described, "The theory of elite is that in every society there are people who possess in a marked degree, the qualities of intelligence, character, skill, capacity, whatever kind, that there are two classes of elite, that the two groups are disjunctive at any given time, that there is an up and down circulation of elite." 7. Elite cannot control the whole sphere of political activity: The advocates of elite theories wrongly believe that elite can control the whole sphere of political, social and economic activity. A Defense of Dialogue in Social Research. Pros: 1. The three functions that Meisel identifies Mosca's elite must have . As we see it, class analysis of the political dynamic requires following three procedures, ordered in a hierarchy of importance, so as to prove the hypothesis of class political representation by a minority (or, an "elite"):6 a) the study of the actual behavior of this minority; b) the analysis of the content of the manifest discourse; and, lastly, c) the study of the social origins of their members. Criticisms of Elite Theory Provided that classical elite theory is wrong, at least about oligarchical rule's ineradicable place in human social organization, libertarianism offers compelling answers to the problems it presents. "Classe social, elite poltica e elite de classe: por uma anlise societalista da poltica". He says the "notion that the pressure system is automatically representative of the whole community is a myth" and, instead, the "system is skewed, loaded and unbalanced in favor of a fraction of a minority".[8]. His main contention is that the logic of distance inherent in liberal democracies should be strengthened as a mechanism for improving democracy via elites, in contrast with the views that promote democracy only by eliminating the ontological gap between those who rule and those who are ruled. Braslia, Editora da UnB. How does, on its turn, Marxist political theory, according to Poulantzas, conceive of the question of class dominance and also the question of the state bureaucracy? Rio de Janeiro, Zahar. Pluralism is the theory that most closely corresponds to claims made in high school textbooks and the mass media, and to what many Americans believe. Building on recent re-assessments of Pareto and Mosca, Jackson discusses whether their socio-political orientations contribute to the disfiguration of democracy (in Nadia Urbinatis terminology) or provide a resource for the renewal of democratic institutions. (1984), Los Estados y las revoluciones sociales. This is power in the structural sense. 7 Formalism is the outcome of the "internalist" perspective, adopted by some elite theory thinkers. This is derived from the works of Karl Marx, who saw society as fragmented into groups that compete for social and economic resources. Both the reactionary and the progressive theses are framed as (descriptive) fact judgement, albeit subsuming a (non-descriptive) value judgement implicitly. Elite theory is the belief that a wealthy elite runs the country. This sort of epistemological surveillance would also be more efficient in correcting "errors," "deviations" and inherent flaws within Marxist theory insofar as there would be a lesser need to resort to other intellectual traditions. Pluralism and Elite Theory "Pluralism is the view that politics and decision making are located mostly in the framework of the government but that many nongovernmental groups use their resources to exert influence". (2007), Poltica, cultura e classe na Revoluo Francesa. (ed.). Campinas, tese de doutorado em Cincia Poltica, Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Unicamp. It thus paints a dark picture. II, pp. According to classical elite theory, all political systems are essentially the same, which means that the rial genuine differences between democracies and authoritarian regimes are dismissed. Even though both Salvemini and Schumpeter underline the importance of the bureaucratic organisation of mass parties, Salvemini insists that competitive democracy has to do mainly with the possibility of controlling the ruling class through the electoral machinery. Elite theory is deep-rooted in classical sociology, especially that of Weber (2005 [1922]), Pareto (1935), Mosca (1939) and Michels (2009 [1915]). Democratic systems function on the premise that voting behavior has a direct, noticeable effect on policy outcomes, and that these outcomes are preferred by the largest portion of voters. The theoretical critique to elite theory. Let us recall the starting point of this article: if it is in any way possible to establish an interrelation between the nature of political/state elites (or the "class in charge of'") and their decisions, and, on the other hand, between these decisions and the effects they produce upon the social system (are they reproducing effect or not; anticipating or nor; in favor or not of the hegemonic fraction), therefore one must acknowledge the importance of elites as an object of study, which includes its importance in the analysis (or "proof") of the reproduction/transformation of class domination relationships. From the state itself, in that it is considered the exclusive source of political power (as in Weber and Michels)? With their emphasis on history, contexts and agents, they ushered into the debate of their time some arguments that realist epistemology fully developed, emphasising the role of context-specific and not directly observable explanatory features. ", being that these questions are lesser or less important compared to the first one. Another inescapable topic is the question of belonging to the class of state bureaucracy. The essays contained in this dossier develop this working hypothesis by ambitioning to explore the full potential of elite theory, both by applying the historically-situated conceptual framework to contemporary phenomena and by conducting further inquiries into the actual contents of elite theory developed by some of its prominent authors. Polybius (~150 B.C.) In contrast, the Pluralist model suggest that the power is distributed among interest groups that compete to control public policy. With this said, there is no reason - other than those beyond the theoretical domain - to consider these conceptions of power mutually exclusive. The empirical assumption behind the defense of elite rule at the time was the unequal distribution of the finest human traits. When the issues of power, politics and the state regained the attention of Marxist sociologist in the late 1960s, in what can be aptly described as the first "institutionalist" uprising against the behavioral revolution and its culturalist offshoot, as well as against the theory of political systems and the ideological mirages of liberal pluralism, Nicos Poulantzas seized the occasion to defend the theoretical purity of theoretical Marxism. Both Mosca and Pareto tried to translate the simple, almost obvious, observation that all organised societies consist of a vast majority without any political power and a small minority of powerholdersthis was the object of a true science of politics, that is, to understand how the political class recruits itself, maintains itself in power, and legitimates itself through ideologies (Hirschman 1991, p. 52). Jack L. Walker. On the contrary, if the class perspective is to become an instrument of social analysis in an empirically-oriented social science, it is necessary to consider, first of all, if and how classes are constituted, in fact, as relevant political agents. Every elite has two opposing tendencies: (a) an aristocratic tendency, by which the elite seeks to preserve the ruling position of its members and to prevent others from entering its ranks; (b) a democratic tendency by which (i) new elements force their way into the elite from below or (ii) the ruling class opens ranks and absorbs new elements from below. Lastly, it is undeniable that elitism suffers from two interrelated limitations. The purpose of this issue is to carry over the ambition of re-introducing elite theory onto the centre stage of philosophical and political-theoretical debates, especially against the backdrop of democratic theory and experiences. Therefore, my focus Whichever direction is taken, its power can derive both from the control one group has over relations of production, and as the control of the state apparatus itself (which can cumulatively assume control of economic power). ; and ii) is this class politically dominant class the same one which dominates economically? [15], "If the dominant figures of the past hundred years have been the entrepreneur, the businessman, and the industrial executive, the new men are the scientists, the mathematicians, the economists, and the engineers of the new intellectual technology."[16]. Great attention has been paid in the last few years to the contraposition between people and elite, perceived as a fundamental character of the populist discourse. In the long run, the democratic tendency always prevails. II, p. 155-156). The economic elite consists of the same people as the political elite, wealth equals power. "Class" can only be constituted as an analytically fruitful concept if we abandon for good the idea that it acts directly in politics. Pluralists put forward the idea that power is not a physical quality that people have or do not have but yet it flows from a variety of sources. Given the fact that the class is a simple effect of the state structure and, thus, is condemned to carry out the imperatives of the objective function of the capitalist state (the reproduction of a capitalist social formation) it ultimately does not require analysis. Elite Theory Elite theory developed in part as a reaction to Marxism. In this way, the ruling class would include the members and associates of legally acknowledged companies and the "class that is ruled" would select by election the state administration company that best fits its interests. With their interpretation of the universal suffrage as an exercise in hypocrisy, the elitists have been considered by Albert Hirschman a perfect example of the rhetoric of futility, one of the three main arguments typical of what he called the rhetoric of reaction (the other two being the perversity and the jeopardy theses) (Hirschman 1991). The concept of class or hegemonic fraction would supposedly identify the class that is systematically benefited by state policies, regardless of whether or not this class or fraction is a collective political agent able of organizing itself effectively (as the "ruling class" in the political scene, for example). This is, as it happens, the analytical strategy adopted by Marx in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon. The central question of political research guided by the Marxist problematic would henceforth be: to which extent the strategies adopted by different political elites can be linked to a class base? As Burnham pointed out, there are real and significant differences in social structures from the point of view of the masses; these differences cannot be properly evaluated in terms of formal meanings, verbalism and ideologies (Burnham 1943, p. 166). The Three Founding Fathers Of Elite S Theory Mosca Pareto And Michels. Please help by moving some material from it into the body of the article. Identify the key differences between elite pluralism and Elite Theory Elite pluralism is the criticism of Dahl's classical pluralism, believing it is to . The argument that television news and other genres such as documentaries and current affairs straightforwardly transmit an obviously biased view of the world has been rejected in most quarters of media studies. Burnham J (1943) The Machiavellians. McGraw-Hill, New York, Pareto V (1935) The mind and society. Guttsman, 1965; Keller, 1971; Carvalho, 1980; Czudnovski, 1982; Perissinotto; 2000; Hunt, 2007; inter alia). Department of Sociology Gothenburg University"), Putnam, R. D. (1977) Elite Transformation in Advance Industrial Societies: An Empirical Assessment of the Theory of Technocracy in, This page was last edited on 24 February 2023, at 06:20. HUNT, Lynn. (2006), Nem com Marx, nem contra Marx. (2007), "O 18 brumrio e a anlise de classe contempornea". Giovanni Damele. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1. 4 It is an important idea in Pareto's theory and Mosca founds the power of the elite on their greater organisational capacity. Essentially, the arguments for this refusal were based on the following: the functioning of the capitalist state must be explained based on the objective (and not subjective, i.e., interpersonal) links between this political institution and class structure (Poulantzas, 1969); thus, whoever controls, manages and occupies the main nodes of power within the state apparatus (the "bureaucracy"), regardless of social origin, faith or specific motivations, has no choice but to reproduce the objective function of the state, which consists of maintaining the social cohesion of a given social formation (Poulantzas, 1971); this is equally valid for any type of political regime (bourgeois democracy, military dictatorship, fascism, authoritarianism) in which those in command of the political administration of the state are sensibly different (Poulantzas, 1970, 1975, 1978). In this setting, Salvemini adds a novel dimension to the futility thesis. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative, Over 10 million scientific documents at your fingertips, Not logged in (1989), "A anlise de classe no mundo atual: o marxismo como cincia social", in E. Hobsbawn (org. Bearing in mind Poulantzas's critique of the theory of elites, our main goal in this article is to discuss these aforementioned propositions and advance an argumentation that can be used to verify to which extent it is possible to conduct social analysis in such a way that combines these two theoretical traditions, in spite of their remarkable ideological differences. 1 (2). Evidently, all three dimensions together - action, "spiritual" affiliation and social precedence - render proof of the existence of "class representation" even more convincing. - race) 4 Translator's note: The terms used by Poulantzas in his original discussion are classes rgnantes and classes tenant de l'tat and have been translated distinctly by commentators in different English language versions of Political Power and Social Classes. Its most general point is that there is not a dominant class or a set of institutionally based elites that has predominant power. What Mosca called the struggle for pre-eminence (Mosca 1939, p. 29) is nothing more than the striving for social and political power seen as a constant and a fundamental law of every political phenomenon. (i) The problematic of the agents of power and the source of power can only be resolved within the theoretical realm of Marxism. His starting point is that transition processes during critical junctures are negotiated inside the ministerial elite. Hunter examined in detail the power of relationships evident in his "Regional City" looking for the "real" holders of power rather than those in obvious official positions. Nevertheless, rational-choice theory strengthened empirical elitism by offering new arguments for the inevitability of elite rule. The first variant - Marxism as a "normal" social science - is the point of view which allows for a true dialogical relationship with other non-Marxist or explicitly anti-Marxist social theories. The event was originally scheduled to take place on 1213 June 2020, but it had to be rescheduled to 2022 due to the Covid-19 pandemic. etc. This third question is, in sum the question of "representation": whether political, bureaucratic, and scientific elites represent themselves (their own interests) or social class interests. II, p. 155 and p. 154, respectively). The basic characteristics of this theory are that power is concentrated, the elites are unified, the non-elites are diverse and powerless, elites' interests are unified due to common backgrounds and positions and the defining characteristic of power is institutional position.[2]. The causation for this correlation has not yet been proven in subsequent studies, but is an active area of research. Elite Theory: Philosophical Challenges, https://doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1. There are at least three questions to be dealt with in this regard. elite theory, in political science, theoretical perspective according to which (1) a community's affairs are best handled by a small subset of its members and (2) in modern societies such an arrangement is in fact inevitable. After all, it is as dogmatic to believe that classes have no effect whatsoever on political life as supposing that, by definition, they indeed should. Less attention has been paid to the other element of the contrapositionthe elite. Adinolfi concludes that the political field is formed through waves of new forces (e.g., via elections) that are tightened by impermeable bounds. Corrections? The 20th-century American economist Joseph Schumpeter used the elitists less conspicuously but also redefined democracy in terms congenial to the elite legacy as nothing more than electoral competition between elites vying for popular authorization to rule. This definition cannot be taken seriously because of its practical impossibility and of the inner characteristics of social organisations: no social groups are governed by a majority; all social groups, including societies qualified as democratic, are ruled by a minority. The most fundamental feature of democracy is, according to Burnhams reading of Mosca, the right of opposition, defined as the right of opponents of the currently governing lite to express publicly their oppositions views and to organise to implement those views (apud Burnham 1943, p. 180). ARON, Raymond. Stated otherwise, adequate use of this concept seems to require that we consider class as a collective entity that is "represented" in the political realm by a "politically active minority," as argued by Therborn (Idem, pp. "4 The class in charge (which generally is inaccurately designated the dominant political class) is the social class which controls and administrates the centers of power within the state apparatus - and not the one which actually holds political power (Idem, p. 165). volume41,pages 15 (2022)Cite this article. There are, in this regard, three mutually excluding possibilities: Marxism as social science; Marxism against "bourgeois" social science; and Marxism as a parallel, revolutionary, and superior science/philosophy/ideology as compared to conventional social science1. _________. ; iii) or, quite the contrary, is this a reciprocally autonomous relationship, in which both stand independently? Nicos Poulantzas made the claim in Political Power and Social Classes that political problems, such as those traditionally laid out by the theory of elites (to spell them out: who wields power in a community? Once can easily notice that this move, instead of settling the score for good, just adds another term to the equation, as now we have an additional empirical problem: how then can it be proved that such institutions in fact represent or serve as a vehicle for the interests of the class in question? (1983), "Why some classes are more successful than others?". 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To exclusive content Gradey Dick is an active area of research theoretical parti pris such! Is distributed among interest groups that compete to control public policy this setting, Salvemini adds a dimension! Brumaire of Louis Napoleon elites and counter-elites a natural consequence of such methods ( )! Interest groups that compete for social and economic resources assumption behind the defense of elite rule Lerner... X27 ; s elite must have the country, Lerner, R., A. Nagai... As the political elite, wealth equals power elites and counter-elites suffers from two interrelated limitations two... Elitism by offering New arguments for the inevitability of elite rule heralded freshman Gradey Dick is an elite and!: Philosophical Challenges, https: //doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1, DOI: https: //doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1, but is an elite shooter a! Perversity, futility, jeopardy, respectively ) identifies Mosca & # x27 ; elite! 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